X
Responsive
 
 
DOMAINS
 
Indicators
 
The Index measures the relative efficiency of civil-military relations. Efficiency is defined as the ability of civilian and military actors to negotiate, formulate, and coordinate policies in the sphere of national defense, in ways that further effective governance of the defense sector, reinforce state core competences, and enhance nation building.

The Index includes five domains, each comprising a set of main questions and indicators. Rationales for each domain and main question clarify their relevance in measuring the efficiency of civil-military relations. The index is designed in question format, allowing respondents to answer each indicator on a scale.
Social Perceptions & Cultural Attitudes
Civil-military relations operate more efficiently when the military and the society it defends are invested in each other. The extent to which a population supports the military and sees it as representative of society as a whole is an important indicator of the state of civil-military relations. Divergent civilian perceptions of the military and negative military perceptions of civilians impede efficiency in civil-military relations, while perceptions of social discrimination or communal inequality in recruitment and promotions within the military may undermine its cohesion and effectiveness.
 
Q1. How is the military perceived by civilian actors?
 
The level of support within society for the military affects its morale and motivation and the human and material resources it can call upon to operate effectively.

  1. Does the military play a nation-building role (that is, by enhancing social integration and cohesion)?

 

  • No, not at all, or ineffective role.
  • Somewhat weak and/or ineffective role.
  • Somewhat strong and/or effective role.
  • Yes, a strong and effective role.

 

  1. Do civilians generally trust or distrust the military?

 

  • There is a great deal of distrust in the military among civilians.
  • Many civilians trust the military, but significant numbers are distrustful.
  • More civilians trust the military than not.
  • A large majority trust the military.

 

  1. Is the military seen to represent or act on behalf of, or against, particular social or communal groups (class, sectarian, ethnic, tribal, regional)?

 

  • Yes, very much so.
  • Many civilians think the military represents or acts on behalf of, or against, particular social or communal groups.
  • More civilians think the military does not represent or act on behalf of, or against, particular social or communal groups, than those who do.
  • No, not at all.

 

  1. Do particular social or communal groups perceive the military as “belonging” or allied to them specifically?

 

  • Yes, the military is seen as unambiguously partisan on behalf of or allied to particular social or communal groups.
  • The military is often perceived to have a social bias.
  • The military is sometimes perceived to have a particular social bias, but not predominantly so.
  • No, the military is not seen as socially partisan or biased.

 

  1. Are civilian perceptions of the military shaped by negative past experiences (war, revolution, colonialism, military government)?

 

  • Yes, civilian perceptions of the military are strongly shaped by negative past experiences.
  • Civilian perceptions of the military are often shaped by negative past experiences.
  • Civilian perceptions of the military are slightly shaped by negative past experiences.
  • No, civilian perceptions of the military are not shaped by negative past experiences.

 

  1. How effective are civic activities or public campaigns conducted by or on behalf of the military in building support for and trust in the military among civilians?

 

  • Not effective at all.
  • Limited effectiveness.
  • Somewhat effective.
  • Highly effective.

 

  1. Do civilians regard a military career as desirable (whether for professional interest, prestige, job security, social welfare)?

 

  • No, not at all.
  • A military career is generally regarded as desirable only by limited social sectors, for narrow reasons.
  • A military career is often regarded as desirable by a broader range of social sectors, for a variety of reasons.
  • Yes, very much so.

 

  1. To what extent are civilians generally, and the media in particular, free to discuss the military or defense affairs?

 

  • Not at all: Discussion is formally prohibited.
  • To a little extent: Active discouragement and de facto prohibition.
  • To some extent: Limited formal or de facto restrictions.
  • Considerably: There is full freedom of discussion.


 
Q2. How does the military perceive civilians and its role in relation to them?
 
The military’s perception and characterization of civilians shapes its role towards society and the state, but also impacts its ability to deliver on expectations and tasks it is supposed to undertake.

  1. Does the military actively inculcate positive, negative, or neutral perceptions of, and respect for, civilians as part of its corporate identity?

 

  • Actively inculcates negative perceptions and lack of respect.
  • Does not actively inculcate but has generally negative perceptions and lack of respect.
  • Does not actively inculcate but has generally positive perceptions and respect.
  • Actively inculcates positive perceptions and respect.

 

  1. Does the military believe it has greater responsibility than civilian authorities to define and defend the national interest (a guardianship role)?

 

  • Yes, the military believes it is the default authority in defining and defending the national interest. 
  • The military believes that it is on a par with civilian authorities in defining and defending the national interest.
  • The military believes it should be consulted in defining and defending the national interest, but acknowledges that civilian authorities should play the primary role.
  • No, the military believes it should only undertake this responsibility at the request of civilian authorities.

 

  1. Does the military tend to regard civilian authorities as competent and trustworthy and deserving of automatic obedience in all circumstances, or the opposite?

 

  • The military strongly regards civilian authorities as incompetent and untrustworthy, and not deserving of obedience in all circumstances.
  • The military often regards civilian authorities as incompetent and untrustworthy, and deserving of obedience only in some circumstances.
  • The military considers civilian authorities to be somewhat competent and trustworthy, but obedience is not automatic.
  • The military considers civilian authorities as competent and trustworthy, and deserving of automatic obedience in all circumstances.

 

  1. Does the military see itself as representing or acting on behalf of a particular ethnic, sectarian, or tribal social group?

 

  • Yes, very much so.
  • There is a marked sense of identification among military personnel with one or more particular social groups.
  • Most military personnel do not see themselves as representing or acting on behalf of a particular social group.
  • No, not at all.

 

  1. Does the military undertake formal or de facto policies with the aim either of promoting or of impeding broader social representation in its ranks?

 

  • Actively impedes broader social representation.
  • Somewhat impedes broader social representation.
  • Somewhat promotes broader social representation.
  • Actively promotes broader social representation.

 

  1. Do military personnel regard themselves as entitled to superior terms of pay, benefits, and pensions during and after service than civilian counterparts of equivalent rank, qualifications, and seniority?

 

  • Yes, and actively seek or defend this entitlement.
  • Many military personnel regard themselves as entitled, but do not actively seek or defend superior terms.
  • Military personnel do not regard themselves as entitled to superior terms, but resist any changes that would bring them in line with civil service terms.
  • No, they accept equality in service and retirement terms.

 

  1. Does the military undertake opinion surveys or other means to assess and improve its public image?

 

  • No, not at all, and is actively opposed to this.
  • The military rarely conducts opinion surveys to assess and improve its public image, and generally is opposed to this being done by any other agency.
  • The military sometimes conducts opinion surveys to assess and improve its public image, or asks other agencies to do so on its behalf.
  • The military constantly conducts opinion surveys to assess and improve its public image, and cooperates with other agencies doing so.


 
Q3. Are appropriate policies and capabilities in place for civil-military cooperation?
 
Civil-military cooperation (CIMIC) has become integral to the military’s ability to operate in increasingly complex environments, including peacekeeping and coalition missions. Delivering basic services and development assistance may also be an important means for the military to build public support within its own society.

  1. Does the military perceive undertaking civic or developmental activities for the benefit of the civilian population as part of its mission?

 

  • No, not at all.
  • Yes, but only to a limited extent.
  • Yes, to some extent.
  • Yes, to a large extent.

 

  1. Has the military developed its own CIMIC doctrine?

 

  • No, the military has not developed a formal CIMIC doctrine, nor integrated CIMIC principles or policies into its operations.
  • The military has not developed a formal CIMIC doctrine, and has integrated only some CIMIC principles or policies into its operations. 
  • The military has developed a formal CIMIC doctrine or routinely integrated some CIMIC principles and policies into its operations, but not both. 
  • Yes, the military has developed a formal CIMIC doctrine, and routinely integrates CIMIC principles and policies into its operations.

 

  1. Has the military established dedicated CIMIC units and staffs at strategic, operational, and tactical levels?

 

  • No, it has not.
  • Yes, but only at the tactical level.
  • Yes, but not at the strategic level.
  • Yes, at all three levels.

 

  1. Are civil affairstaught as part of military training programs and courses?

 

  • No, they are not taught.
  • Yes, but not routinely or only in a few programs and courses.
  • Yes, in some training programs and courses.
  • Yes, systematically.

 

  1. In the absence of dedicated CIMIC staffs or units, is a CIMIC role assigned to other staffs/units?

 

  • No, it is not.
  • Rarely.
  • Sometimes.
  • Yes, as a matter of routine.

 

  1. Does the military consult or coordinate its CIMIC activities with any civilian authorities to verify needs and select methods and priorities?

 

  • No, it does not consult or coordinate its CIMIC activities with any civilian authority.
  • Rarely.
  • Sometimes.
  • Yes, routinely.

 

  1. Does the military undertake methodical assessments of the impact of its CIMIC activity on civilian needs and public perceptions?

 

  • No, the military does not undertake methodical assessments.
  • Rarely.
  • Sometimes.
  • Yes, routinely.


 
LATEST TWEETS


GET IN TOUCH